Blog Posts by P N Balji

Is Singapore facing her mid-life crisis? (Yahoo! photo)

COMMENT

Nearly two years after the May 2011 watershed elections -- when the ruling party's popularity dipped to a historic low of 60.1 per cent and three office holders were voted out -- Singapore's leaders have yet to come to grips with the angst sweeping the nation.

Two recent events show how the government is being blindsided. First, a blemish on the country's proud 26-year record of having no strikes. Bus drivers from China refused to go to work; what made it worse was that their employer and the government never saw it coming.

The drivers had already been complaining about the living conditions in their dormitories and their lower wages when compared to those of drivers from Malaysia. Yet, nothing much was done to defuse the issue and no real efforts were made by the National Trades Union Congress to unionise these foreign workers.

The Singapore establishment, including the companies, was lulled into believing that strikes happen only in foreign countries and lost the art of

Cheong Yip Seng has written a book on the "outbound markers" in Singapore. (Yahoo! photo of book cover)

COMMENT

Singapore's media history is splattered with the red ink of editors who prefer to take their and their colleagues' bruising stories to the grave.

Some do it for fear of reprisal, some for not wanting to break the confidence of their colleagues and sources and some for wanting to just forget the past.

But Cheong Yip Seng, the former editor-in-chief of the The Straits Times (ST), has bucked this trend with his memoir, OB Markers: My Straits Times Story.  ("Out of bounds" markers often refer to the line between which issues are 'sensitive' and which are not.)

It is a compelling story that is part personal, part political and part a survival guide to Singapore journalism.

Cheong's tales are not new; they have been whispered about at the watercooler and written with great relish in a book called Media Enthralled by political refugee Francis Seow.

But this is the first time a Singapore editor has gone to print with an insider's take on how the republic's first prime minister Lee

From campaigning against the death sentence imposed on 24-year-old Malaysian Yong Vui Kong, to organising forums, to examining the law, online media has made some headway. (Getty Images)

COMMENT

It is a rare occurrence when politics plays a part--however teeny weeny that part may be--in relaxing a tough piece of legislation like the death penalty in this city state.

More than 40 years after hanging was introduced for murder, kidnapping, drug trafficking and firearms offences, the Singapore government has decided to ease up a little.

Judges will be given the discretion to go for life imprisonment for those charged with murder and drug trafficking, if certain requirements are met:

For murder, if lawyers can prove that their clients had no intention to kill.

For drug trafficking, if they can show those charged were only transporting, sending or delivering drugs, have helped the Central Narcotics Bureau substantively or are mentally disabled.

As expected, it is the drug laws that have attracted attention. And for good reasons.

First, since the tough Misuse of Drugs Act came into force in 1973, the only changes made were to tighten the law.

This is the first time it is

A normal country: The government must seize the initiative in the mindset game. (AFP photo)

COMMENT

Whether in office or out of it, Lee Kuan Yew has this knack for capturing the headlines.

Policy makers have not yet taken a hard look at the government's ideological roots, says our blogger. (Yahoo! file photo)

The quick backstory of what Singaporeans have seen since the results of the 7 May 2011 general elections shows a People's Action Party government correcting policy mistakes that got voters so worked up that they brought the ruling party's share of vote to a historic low of  60.1 per cent and threw out two ministers and a senior minister of state from a group representation constituency (GRC).

Some unpopular ministers left the Cabinet, and hot-button issues like transport, immigration and housing are now being tackled with some urgency and eagerness.The phrase  "inclusive growth" keeps cropping up in politicians' speeches and interviews.

Roots vs Reality

But what we have yet to see is the policy makers taking a close and hard look at this government's ideological roots and whether the policies that grew out of these firm beliefs are still relevant. And more important, whether they are realistic to a population that find their lives squeezed by demands at home and at work.

For

Chinese evening newspaper Lianhe Wanbao broke the story on CPIB's probe of two top-ranking government officials. (Yahoo! photo)

It was a memorable and bold moment in Singapore journalism. Earlier this week, a dogged reporter's patience and persistence combined with a brave editor's decision to throw caution to the wind ended in an exclusive that brought back memories of the good old days of old-fashioned reporting — and put the government in an embarrassing spot.

The Chinese evening newspaper, Lianhe Wanbao, went ahead with a report on the corruption investigations into the activities of two top public service officers — Singapore Civil Defence Force chief Peter Lim Sin Pang and Central Narcotics Bureau chief Ng Boon Gay — without a government confirmation. It named names and gave details, like the involvement of a woman in the scandal, knowing fully well that there was a chance — a very small chance, maybe — that it could get some important details wrong.

When the government statement came — on the same day but after the paper had published the report — the news had already caught fire with the on-line world

Several ministers may be too old to be the next Prime Minister and stay for long. (Yahoo! photo)

The orderly way in which the Singapore government finds, inducts and grooms its political talent is under strain on three fronts:

One, an electorate that wants a new generation of leaders who are not just technocrats but those who can empathise and connect with them.

Two, the growing reluctance of talented Singaporeans to join the ruling party to fight elections.

This is made worse by the ruling party's poor showing in the last election. The sentiment among those being zeroed in on for politics goes like this: If a man of experience and such high standing as former foreign minister George Yeo can lose his seat, then what about lesser mortals like us?

Three, the lure of high salaries is likely to disappear when the results of a government-ordered review are announced soon.

These mounting obstacles have put a big question mark on who Singapore's fourth Prime Minister is likely to be.

That kind of uncertainty was not present when Lee Kuan Yew passed the political baton to Goh Chok Tong

Cabinet ministers taking their oath at the swearing-in ceremony earlier this year. (Yahoo! photo)

By P N Balji

Gerard Ee and his ministerial salary review committee have two fresh and important points to consider as they begin to finalise their recommendations.

Both the points, delivered by the Prime Minister in a speech at the first session of the new Parliament on 20 October, were not made in the context of the review. But they are likely to  become debating points when the recommendations are made public.

Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong predicted a reduced economic growth rate of 3 to 5 per cent and went further by saying: "...if we can make 3 per cent plus consistently over the next 10 years, we would have had a good decade."

A slower growth is something Singaporeans had been told to expect for sometime. But this time round, the PM was making the point more sharply and in a more definitive manner.

The more worrying revelation was his admission that Singapore society was stratifying, "which means the children of successful people are doing less well; fewer children from