An impossible legacy to live up to?
It was the late hours of November 30, 2012. I was seated with two of my colleagues across Prime Minister Datuk Seri Mohd Najib Razak at his official residence in Putrajaya.
Najib had responded positively to an interview request but as his schedule was tight, he could only meet us close to midnight.
We figured that the interview was important to him, as it was to us, as we were going to run it in a special edition of The Malay Mail (where I worked then) and one million copies of the paper were going to be distributed.
With a potential readership of four million, the PM’s Office agreed that it would be another golden opportunity for their Boss’s message to reach a maximum audience.
While I have written about this interview before, I feel with the latest developments in this country, a trip down memory lane is in order – at least to serve as a reminder of what was said and promised three years ago.
Here are some excerpts from the interview:
“Leadership is about trust. People must trust you. But that trust must be earned. It’s not something automatic.”
Yes, sir. But your deafening silence on the growing concerns over the 1Malaysia Development Board (1MDB) of which you are advisor makes trust a commodity we find difficult to part with. Especially when we couple the billions of ringgit at stake with the increase in cost of living, the weakening ringgit and the drop in global fuel prices.
“I took the political risk in removing the ISA (Internal Security Act). (Universities and University Colleges Act 1974) Auku… some said I shouldn’t amend AUKU. I amended Auku.”
Who needs the ISA when the Sedition Act is now the weapon of choice, proving to be more lethal when used by institutions such as the police and Malaysian Communications and Multimedia Commission? And who needs Auku when subservient university heads can use arbitrary powers to regulate students’ activities with suspension or expulsion.
But he had some points that the opposition should pay attention to:
“If I’m a discerning voter, I certainly will not accept the excuses. And I would like the opposition to 1) form a shadow cabinet; 2) form a formal coalition and 3) have a common manifesto. And they must stand on the same banner.
“I like them to have a shadow cabinet. It’s good for the people.”
That interview was followed by more candid off-record banter over coffee.
The prime minister gave an insight to the problems he was facing and the uphill task in getting the votes for the 13th General Election which was looming then.
He did not defend the situation he was in at that time – untested and leading a government that did not enjoy the popular vote.
However, he acknowledged the need for democratic reforms and inclusiveness in pushing the country forward socially and economically.
He did not say it in as many words but the take-away from the two hours we had with him was that the biggest obstacle to reform was his own party.
As Najib admitted in the interview: “My hands are a little bit tied in some cases.”
And as he further articulated: “The era of ‘government knows best’ is over. I’m reading not only the demographical change but also a fundamental shift in Malaysian society. If Umno and Barisan Nasional (BN) want to stay in power, they must reflect that change. So I’m committed to making that change happen. I even started saying: ‘If you don’t change, you will be changed.’”
Most telling today is the prime minister’s inability to address racial and religious issues, where it seems that laws such as the Sedition Act is used selectively for his own political survival.
After all, he did not receive the strong mandate he needed to push forth his reforms as he was asked in that interview.
(“For me to complete my job, my task, I would require a strong mandate from the people. Then, with a strong mandate from the people I can say: ‘Look, the people have spoken. They believe in the policies that I propounded and therefore those policies need to be really enshrined, and Umno and BN must reflect those policies supported by the people’.”)
Now, one does not subscribe to rumours but it is reasonably believed that the Razak clan is just as concerned as most of the country with the state of the nation – socially, economically, security wise and politically.
In an interview with The Malaysian Insider last month Najib’s brothers – Datuk Nazir, Datuk Johari, Datuk Mohamed Nizam and Datuk Mohamed Nazim – were candid with some of these concerns especially on issues of race and religion which their Big Brother has had problems addressing.
One does not know how effective the “intervention” sessions at the Razak household have been but to those of us out of the loop, it does seem to have little effect.
But understanding what Tun Razak – our second Prime Minister – stood for and that he strived towards returning power from the National Consultative Council which he headed, to Parliament two years following the dark days of May 13, 1969, gives hope that at some point that his first born will fulfil his father’s vision of a multi-racial economically strong Malaysia.
And that his idea of the New Economic Policy (NEP) was sincere in uplifting marginalised Malays – not to be hijacked in its current form.
Even DAP stalwart Lim Kit Siang agreed in an interview with this portal that Razak made sure that Malaysia stayed as a strong secular and multiracial society.
Perhaps Najib should remember what he told us that night in Seri Perdana: “My late father was one of the founding members, founding leaders of the nation. I cannot let him down either.” – February 18, 2015.
* This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of The Malaysian Insider.
